Honors Students

Although parameters for a political solution are well understood, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict often seems intractable. While many issues related to a peaceful settlement are controversial, the question of resolving the Palestinian refugee crisis seems to uniquely represent larger historical and sociopolitical questions about the conflict. From historical texts to political statements, answers about how the Palestinian refugee crisis originated are consistently shifting, and often reflect different political perspectives on how to resolve the conflict. In my research, I will examine how the Palestinian refugee crisis is portrayed to the international community by Israeli politicians, as well as internally through the Israeli education system and by activists and non-profit organizations to the public. In particular, I hope to examine the role that collective memory plays in developing societal perspectives on the origins of the Palestinian refugee crisis. I aim not only to describe these portrayals and perceptions but also to examine how they may or may not impact ongoing efforts towards conflict resolution and reconciliation.

Thesis Working Title:

Goldblum, Zoe (2018). Collective Memory of 1948 in Israeli Society: Exploring the Impact of Memory on Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation

Stanford Digital Repository. Available in June 2018.

 People, and presidents, have failed to address the first genocide of the 21st century -- one that still continues today. Since 2003, Arab militia (backed by the Sudanese government) have launched a genocidal campaign against non-Arabs in Darfur, killing roughly 500,000 people and displacing 2.7 million. Condemnation of the conflict has weakened as the violence has continued over the years, and the international efforts that have been made to stop it have diminished. In 2007, then-Senator Barack Obama made a campaign promise not to turn his back on the humanitarian crisis, calling it a "stain on our souls." Nevertheless, genocide continues today in Darfur and genocidaire President Omar al-Bashir remains President of the Sudan. This thesis will examine the Obama Administration's policies toward the Sudan -- particularly in regard to the conflict in Darfur. By understanding why a world leader (predisposed to humanitarian action) failed to address one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world today, we might better understand the role of states and their leaders in international humanitarian intervention. There has been a long history of genocide in the world; must there be a long future?

Thesis Working Title:

Howe, Campbell (2018). "A Stain on Our Souls": The Genocide in Darfur During the Obama Era

Stanford Digital Repository. Available in June 2018.

Over the last two centuries, the United States, has been involved in over 160 military interventions. Since World War II, the U.S. has conducted more than 40 military interventions across six continents. The results have been mixed, but [historically] the U.S. has a poor track record. More often than not, the interventions have failed, at times, catastrophically. Nevertheless, the U.S. continues to rely on military intervention as a tool for diplomacy. My thesis works to provide a new understanding on why American military interventions fail, which is an important consideration as the military is expected to play a pivotal role in policy formation, especially under our current administration.

Scholars have employed variables like conventional warfare, unconventional warfare, democracy, tactics, and the rule of law to analyze why military interventions fail. A neglected variable, however, is local awareness—specifically, the U.S.’s understanding of the state it is about to invade. This understanding includes the history and structure of the state's government, politics, economy, and culture. This sort of intelligence can be broken down further to the provinces and townships within the state. 

My thesis focuses on local awareness from both a macro and micro viewpoint. The command and strategic perspective, which is an assessment of how the president, generals, and policymakers understood the situation on the ground makes up the macro component. Case studies of how the soldier understood the situation on-the-ground, interacted with locals, implemented policy, and enforced policy comprises the micro analysis. Ultimately, my research works to identify the relationship between failed military interventions and local awareness. I argue that local awareness is key to successful diplomacy.

Thesis Working Title:

Lozano, Pablo (2018). Why American Military Interventions Fail

Stanford Digital Repository. Available in June 2018

Oftentimes the unique alliance between Great Britain and the United States is viewed as having started when the United States was founded and therefore the “Special Relationship” is taken for granted as a given part of the foreign policies of both countries.  However, in actuality, this Special Relationship largely emerged during and after World War II and the relationship has not always resulted in unwavering support between the nations. During the first half of the 20th century Great Britain lost much of its imperial power, and the United States emerged as a leading economy. It wasn’t until the United States joined the war following Pearl Harbor that significant military gains were made by the Allies, signaling to the world that the United States essentially saved the Allied Powers. With this shift in power has come a considerable and continual shift in the “Special Relationship”. 

My thesis will attempt to parse out how the Special Relationship has changed and evolved militarily since World War II. I will use case studies such as the Iraq War and the Falklands War to examine what has and still does motivate each nation to partake or not partake in interventions together. I will also analyze how the relationship between the Prime Minister of Great Britain and the President of the United States and their individual agency affect the decision for the two countries to act together militarily.

Thesis Working Title:

Morrow, Rachel (2018). Nuances of the Special Relationship: Great Britain and the United States after World War II

Stanford Digital Repository. Available in June 2018.

Is the right to a healthy environment a fundamental human right? Currently, there is no international consensus on how to aid persons displaced due to climate change.  As global environments continue to transform due to climate change, it is likely that the number of forced migrations will also rise, and international institutions, such as the UN will need to establish a new framework to aid and relocate these groups of migrants.  Still, there is currently much scholarly debate as to whether these populations should be considered refugees under international law. Climate change may lead to a variety of new environmental challenges such as increased drought, rising sea levels, and more severe natural disasters. Each of these  may require a different international response. Should large, powerful nations accept culpability for manmade climate change and offer assistance to the smaller, poor countries that will be most impacted by climate change? This thesis will explore possible policy proposals to address what it means to be a "climate change refugee" in today's world and how the international community can respond to the potential rise in forced migrations as a result of climate change.

Thesis Working Title:

Stuber, Sophie (2018). When Home Exists No Longer: Climate Change and Forced Displacement Across Borders

Stanford Digital Reposity. Available in June 2018

While El Nino cycles demonstrate extreme weather events that fall out of the normal weather patterns, they may also serve as an example for environmental norms we will endure in the future. For this reason, the impacts they have on both international and domestic agreements and stability should be cautiously heeded. South Africa is one of the most water scarce nations in the world, and their dependence on external sources of water adds an interesting element to what is already a challenging question. Lesotho has an abundance of "white gold," as many of the regional river heads originate within their borders. The Lesotho Highlands Water Project serves as a massive international economic boost for Lesotho while also developing the infrastructure for 100% dependence on hydroelectric power. South Africa front most of the costs for construction of the dams and tunnels involved, and in return receives a consistent water source to their nearby provinces. But when Lesotho was hit by the 2015 drought, arguably even harder than South Africa was, many of Lesotho's population questioned why 40% of their water was still being diverted away from them. I want to look at how droughts impact international agreements such as the LHWP, and how we might see any relevant tensions or turmoil escalate in the future.

Thesis:

Cavallo, Christine (2017). Dam Them All: On the Failure of Dams and Dam Building Frameworks.

Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE 

The question of why states pursue nuclear weapons has been significant topic of study due to the escalation of tensions during the Cold War period and intense fear of proliferation in its aftermath. Most research in this field is extremely difficult to produce due to the small sample size of states with nuclear capabilities as well as a lack of information on countries’ nuclear programs. Academics have offered some possible explanations of the rationale behind leaders’ decisions to acquire weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), such as the security model, domestic politics model, and norms model. In my thesis, I will contribute to this existing literature by answering the more narrow question of why some states decide to sign, ratify, and then violate the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Why have only autocratic states broken the NPT? Does this apply to only the NPT or all international treaties? Through evidence provided by my analysis of large-n data sets and case studies of North Korea, South Korea, and Iran, I hypothesize that international isolation plays a key role in explaining a leader’s decision to cheat on the NPT. 

Thesis:

Whang, Yegina (2017). Broken Nuclear Vows: Explaining Why States Cheat on the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE

In a world burdened by burgeoning populations and faced by declining water resources, water is likely to trigger conflict. Since the partition of British India in 1947, and the creation of modern republics of India and Pakistan, the two South Asian countries have been involved in four wars, including one undeclared war, as well as many border skirmishes and military stand-offs. In fact, during the Kargil War of 1999, the two nations came dangerously close to nuclear war. But for India and Pakistan, some disputes notwithstanding, the Indus water treaty is considered one of the world’s most successful trans-boundary water accords, as it addresses specific water allocation issues and provides unique design requirements for run-of-the-river dams, which ensure the steady flow of water and guarantee hydroelectricity. The agreement also provides a mechanism for consultation and arbitration should questions, disagreements, or disputes arise. So despite India and Pakistan being two of the greatest adversaries in the world, the two nations have had a comprehensive water treaty, the Indus Water Treaty, active for over 50 years. Why have these two countries been steadfast in their efforts to share water in a time in which water issues are likely to trigger conflict? Why do India and Pakistan cooperate on this front? The primary goal of my thesis is to present an accurate theory as to why India and Pakistan cooperate over the issue of water by analyzing various theses on how and why adversaries cooperate, and how water could be a potential outlier.

Thesis:

Mehra, Rebecca (2016). Connecting the Drops: The Negotiation of the Indus Water Treaty.
Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE

The borders drawn in the Middle East following the First World War have continued to be a source of contention and violence for almost a century. Many argue that the borders drawn do not accurately reflect thousands of years of history and peoples in the region.
In my honors thesis in International Relations, I want to explore these divisions of ethnic identity by state boundaries. Specifically, I want to explore how these boundaries have affected the divided communities, and the communities with which they interact. Studies of the relationship between ethnic diversity and intrastate violence have been done, to be sure, but I believe that an in-depth analysis what these identities mean for both the groups themselves and the states into which they have been placed by history can give us a greater understanding of how, or why, or whether, violence occurs.
I mean to do a case study of occurrences of violence between ethnic groups to evaluate the claim that a different drawing of state lines would make the region more peaceful.

Thesis:

Sheils, Hope (2016). The Lines We Draw: Nationalism and Border Creation at Sèvres and Lausanne.
Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE

My thesis focuses on how the demographic makeup of a country affects its preferences on international climate change agreements. By examining population factors such as youth, education, urbanization, and vulnerability, I will identify demographic indicators that could predict whether a country is more or less likely to accede to global accords restricting carbon emissions. Global warming represents one of the most serious collective action problems of our time, and I hope to better understand how the size, structure, and distribution of populations leads to the formation of public opinion that influences global policy commitments.

Thesis:

Parikh, Sanjana. (2015). Constitutional Promises and Environmental Protection. 
Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE

My thesis seeks to explore the question: how do non-profit organizations that seek to make social change, through user investment in physical and human capital, affect the socio-economic status of their target audience?

My theory is, if a non-profit has a higher level of user investment, which includes investing in physical and human capital, the target audience (recipients) will obtain a healthier and elevated socioeconomic status. In addition to physical capital, which provides monetary and material resource support, investing in human capital is key to helping achieve skillsets that help raise an individual’s socioeconomic status. Without the addition of human capital investments, physical capital has a temporary longevity and does not usually provide sustainability of economic opportunities. When investments in human skills are made in conjunction with physical resources, the chances of steep economic development are increased because the skills can be transferred and replicated by many people over time, without any sort of expiration date. Understandably there are structural issues with the economic progress of developing countries, however skills within business or leadership, for example, can lead to better sources of income, better educational opportunities, better health, and a better lifestyle. I will be exploring my theory through a literature review, case studies of different non-profits, interviews with target audience members, and an ethics section.

Thesis:

Thakur, Natalya. (2015). Charity Work Abroad and the Unintended Democratic Deficit. 
Stanford Digital Repository. Available HERE

My honors thesis attempts to explore why certain regions in pre-Modern China contributed greater numbers of individuals to the bureaucracy.  By examining the origins of high level graduates of the civil service examination system, I hope to uncover how certain regions rose to prominence within the Chinese bureaucracy.  In better understanding how the Chinese bureaucracy selected its officials, my thesis looks to help understand how autocracies create and use their bureaucracies to create stability.

Laws and administrative bureaucracies like that of the U.S. asylum system must apply across broad groups, yet they are experienced in an individually specific way. I study the bureaucracy of the asylum system and what explains the difference between the formal rules of the asylum application process and the individual experience of applicants. I argue that the bureaucracy's institutionalized rules and processes undermine the goal of protecting asylum seekers, and that an asylum applicant who works with lawyers from a community-based service provider will have a speedier, more efficient and less traumatic application process. My data includes large-N data from the federal government and UNHCR on yearly trends among asylum seekers, and qualitative interviews with West African asylum applicants and their pro bono lawyers in New York City. My thesis attempts to humanize the law by looking at complex rules and explaining the motivations behind them, and the bureaucrats who implement them -- and how they can do better to protect vulnerable asylum seekers.

As U.S. policymakers confront an ever-evolving international landscape and face pressing foreign policy decisions, what lessons can they draw from U.S. foreign relations history? Specifically, what can Cold War history elucidate about influences on policy? My honors thesis focuses on U.S. interventionist policies in Latin America during the Cold War. Throughout this period in American history, presidential administrations authorized covert intervention policies aimed at toppling Latin American governments. Declassified government documents show that policymakers cited the threat of Soviet involvement in Latin America as the reason for intervention, but the question is whether this threat was real or perceived. My thesis aims to assess the influence of ideas about Soviet threat in Latin America compared to facts about Soviet-Latin America relations. I argue that an ideology of perceived Soviet threat developed as a result of the Cold War, existed in the circles of policy elites, and prompted presidential administrations to adopt similar policies against three Latin American
governments: Guatemala in 1954, Cuba from 1960-1962, and Chile in 1973. My research intends to contribute to the understanding of the causes behind
U.S. behavior toward Latin America during the Cold War. Moreover, it seeks to present a case for how one factor, the idea of Soviet threat, caused American policymakers to consider covert intervention as vital to the safety of the United States.

Indigenous communities appear to face challenges when integrating themselves into contemporary global economies. This is puzzling as they often share characteristics that are attractive to foreign direct investment (FDI): one of three primary international economic activities - the other two being import/exports and licensing. Typical characteristics of indigenous communities include competitively priced labor and access to natural resources and primary goods. With these qualities that are attractive to FDI, the goal of my research is to uncover the primary reason why foreign capital seems to pass over investment opportunities in indigenous communities. Hopefully, these findings will clarify both how indigenous communities should plan their economic development as well as the nuances of FDI.

My honors thesis explores various factors that contribute to trust and business success in interactions between Westerners and their Chinese business counterparts. My research stems from my surprise that Chinese-Western business transactions are mostly done in English and that while there is an emphasis on following Chinese business norms, there does not seem to be a strong incentive to learn Mandarin for business success. My question is whether or not speaking Mandarin is an important factor of trust in Chinese-Western business deals. I plan to answer this question with three original empirical contributions: a survey distributed in Beijing, interviews conducted in Beijing and interviews conducted in San Francisco. First, I distributed thirty surveys to Chinese businessmen and women, asking about their interactions with a Western counterpart in order to analyze how trust is correlated with the Westerner's Mandarin proficiency. Second, I interviewed around seventeen businessmen and women in Beijing and asked them about their experiences working with Westerners. Finally, I will interview a smaller number of San Francisco businessmen interacting with Chinese counterparts in order to assess how English proficiency affects trust from the American perspective.

The “Arab Spring” has failed to live up to its name, as evidenced by the continued revolutionary fervor and uncertainty within the Middle East and North Africa.  Dictatorial republics like those in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia have gone by the wayside and the ongoing violence in Syria demonstrates continued opposition to the era of pseudo-democracy within the region.  However, despite the political protests sweeping the region, Arab Muslim monarchies have survived the revolutionary chopping block, though not without internal political restructuring and dialogue with local opposition.  Furthermore, even kings in constitutional monarchies without the benefit of vast petroleum reserves have managed, for the time being, to retain their positions of executive power. My study examines the political strategies these constitutional monarchs implement to forestall regime-changing revolutions.

With the emergence of indigenous rights movements in Latin America, collective cultural rights have arisen as the third generation of the human rights movement. However, some argue that human rights are a zero-sum game, where possibly promotion of collective rights contradicts promotion of basic individual human rights.  The purpose of my study is to challenge this notion and to analyze the complex vulnerability of minorities within autonomous indigenous regions.  With a focus on religious divisions and conflict, the question that arises is: Why does intra-communal violence break out and escalate in some communities and not others?  In a cross-regional study, this paper focuses on the states of Chiapas and Oaxaca, Mexico and considers a number of factors that fuel ethno-religious violence.